How Russia and Iran Are Draining the West’s Best Defenses
Cheap drones are reshaping war — and Ukraine may be building the answer.
Cheap drones are reshaping war — and Ukraine may be building the answer.
A drone does not have to reach its target to accomplish its mission.
It may succeed by forcing a fighter to scramble, compelling an air defense battery to activate its radar, drawing the launch of an expensive interceptor or revealing where defensive systems are positioned. It may carry no meaningful warhead at all. If the defender cannot safely distinguish it from the real threat, the defender must still react.
That is the logic behind one of the most consequential strategies in modern warfare: make the enemy expend scarce resources against threats that are cheaper and faster to replace.
The attacker is not simply trying to penetrate the defense. It is trying to exhaust it.
Military reserves are often discussed as quantities: how many missiles, aircraft or artillery shells a country possesses. But a strategic reserve includes much more:
An attack can therefore be effective without destroying anything directly.
A relatively inexpensive drone may force the defender to launch a missile costing far more. Even when a fighter uses a cheaper weapon — or destroys the drone without firing a missile — the response still consumes fuel, flight hours, maintenance and crew readiness.
One incident is manageable. Repetition changes the equation.
If inexpensive threats arrive every night, the defender faces an increasingly difficult choice: intercept everything and gradually exhaust limited resources, or preserve those resources and accept the possibility that a real weapon will get through.
Large drone attacks are commonly described as attempts to overwhelm air defenses. That is true, but incomplete.
The attacker may pursue several objectives simultaneously:
The drone wave may therefore be the opening mechanism rather than the principal attack.
The United States has confronted this problem during its war with Iran. Iranian missiles and drones have required repeated use of American and allied air defenses across a wide geographic area.
The individual interception rate may be impressive while the strategic exchange remains unfavorable. The relevant question is not simply how many threats were destroyed. It is how many scarce interceptors were used, how quickly they can be replaced and what those weapons will no longer be available to defend elsewhere.
The Iran war has already created concern about the availability of munitions for a potential conflict in the Indo-Pacific. Replenishing sophisticated American missiles can take months or years, not days.
Russia is now presenting NATO with a version of the same problem.
When a Shahed-type drone enters allied airspace, NATO cannot assume it is harmless. Fighters may have to scramble, air defenses must track it, commanders must determine its trajectory and authorities must decide whether to engage.
Romanian F-16s and Italian Eurofighters recently scrambled under NATO command after a drone approached and entered Romanian airspace. The aircraft shot it down — but the interception also demonstrated the asymmetry Russia can repeatedly impose.
The question is not whether an F-16 can destroy a Shahed. It is whether Europe can afford to scramble fighters every time Russia sends one — and what happens when one drone becomes 200.
During the Second World War, Germany’s V-1 flying bombs forced Britain to reorganize significant parts of its air defense.
Fighter aircraft conducted interception patrols. Anti-aircraft guns were repositioned. Radar stations, barrage balloons and observation systems were integrated into a defensive belt. Britain eventually became much more effective at destroying the weapons, particularly after adapting detection, gun control and proximity-fuse technology.
But the V-1’s strategic effect was not limited to the damage caused when one reached London. Germany forced Britain to dedicate aircraft, guns, crews and attention to stopping pilotless weapons that were cheaper and simpler than the systems sent to intercept them.
Later militaries refined the logic through unmanned decoys. Decoys could provoke air defense radars into activating, reveal their locations and cause missiles to be launched — allowing follow-on aircraft to attack the newly exposed defenses.
Today’s drones combine these roles. They can be weapons, decoys, reconnaissance platforms and instruments of economic pressure within the same attack.
The concept is not new. Its scale, accessibility and rate of production are.
The public question is whether a drone was intercepted.
The strategic question is what the interception consumed — and whether the defender can replace it before the next, more dangerous attack arrives.
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The United States entered the Iran war with overwhelming advantages in aircraft, intelligence, precision targeting and missile defense. Iran does not need to neutralize those advantages symmetrically.